And so we arrived at Namdang House, Digboi, after navigating hundreds of highway cows that assumed their job was reckless driving control, as they stood across the road, any way they pleased.
Our driver Shamim sombrely mentioned how so many families have lost their young men to insurgency, in this region. ULFA and Surrendered ULFA - both sides to blame, both sides guilty of coercion and all the same sordid crimes. Looking around it was hard to believe, that this green and now seemingly peaceful countryside was so wracked and troubled.
Once again, our large group size meant that we were split into two spaces - the hotel itself and some of us into the "service apartment" in the next building. Sekar and I were told 3rd floor, and I confidently walked into one verandah, where a young hapless man told me rather gingerly, madam these are our Quarters, you see, we live here. He sounded apologetic for causing this inconvenience to me. I was impressed with myself, while Sekar had this nonplussed look, turns out we had to go around the building to the other side. The apartments were new and so nice - Sekar and me in one room and the Tirunelveli Twins Suresh and Ravi in the other.
We were here to explore Dehing Patkai, the next day. The Dehing Patkai and the oil stories are very interconnected. For the moment, I focus on the oil.
The Digboi rainbow
The Starlings that seemed to be curious about our arrival. The Indian pied myna (Gracupica contra) - there is a NE subspecies that has reduced streaking on the shoulder and nape I believe. Quite striking.
Raja in his stentorian voice announce that there was an oil museum and it closed at 4 and we should leave immediately. So, drop bags in the room, enjoy the rainbow and the starlings on the wire and then off we went again.
And the lovely thing of small towns - everywhere you need to go is 5 minutes away, and people are quite willing to open up beyond hours.
We drove along the road we came in on, which seemed filled with many religious buildings. There also seemed to be a prayer meeting of Srimant Shankardeva. I came to learn that he has a lot of followers in the Assam region, and I guess could be called a spiritual reformer, breaking the caste barrier and living a simple life.
The sun was setting and the market lights were twinkling. I was reminded of my geography teacher at school Ms Rohini. She passed away just a fortnight ago, and I am sure she will be smiling at my delight at seeing my geography lesson come alive.
We crossed the Digboi Club - it said Established 1922 on the wall, that made it a 100 years old this year, and possibly the "Oil company" area - lawns and flower beds.
The museum is within the campus of the refinery, and when we alighted there was a strong whiff of the petroleum , like being in a petrol bunk, but a little different. We were courteously told that we could not take our phones or cameras in. I wonder why these rules - you would think you want more people to take pictures and spread the word, visit.
Large models of how the first oil was discovered, and of course the legend of the "dig boy, dig" story was on the walls. There were a bunch of exhibits which would have interested my father - engines and pumps of various vintages, and a whole bunch of memorabilia of life from decades ago- typewriters, calculators and even tea pots and oil measuring cans. The story of oil, in the US was also up on the walls. I scribbled some interesting trivia down about the history of oil exploration on an old boarding pass - since I had no other paper, and of course on return have thrown the said boarding pass away, and now do not remember what those tidbits were. Something about Rockefeller and Standard Oil. and Shell. Oh well.
The Oil Well No 1 was on display outside, where we were allowed to take pictures, and this picture by Gayathree shows the details.
We wandered out, some others went on the WWII cemetery, we went back to Namdang. Travelling in the car with Arjun led to many fascinating Assam stories that I did not know. The Stillwell or Ledo Road was one such. Names like Makum, Assam Oil, Margherita, Mr. Goodenough of McKillop, Stewart & Co. and many such others. His sense of history of the region was truly remarkable and I learned much from him. (More in the tea stories, later)
Oil - despite this natural treasure, Assam has remained economically poor.
Many regional forces have fought against the privatisation of oil fields, and their struggles represent yet another point where regional aspirations could stand together with the fight against neoliberalism.
Whose Oil Is it in Assam – and Whose 'Development'?
In 1867, in a newly occupied area of the colonial hinterland of British India, an important resource was accidentally discovered that would go on to animate numerous resistance movements in the years to come: oil.
Assam’s oil story is now a century old, but the implications of this resource – used globally and traded in American dollars – comes with issues that are extremely local.
The northeastern part of the Indian subcontinent has become a political frontier where an extraction economy has flourished by the destruction of local resources, tradition and economy. In independent India, the first oil field was discovered in Naharkatiya, in present-day Tinsukia district. The government expected it to yield 2.5 million tonnes of oil per year, meeting one-third of India’s demand. The government of India wanted to install a refinery where crude oil from Naharkatiya would be processed, first at Kolkata first and then at Barauni, Bihar.
But Assam boiled on the issue of wealth drain and demanded the refinery be in Assam itself. At the national level, those were the days of the Nehru-Mahalanobis model of planned economy. When Jawaharlal Nehru visited Assam on October 18, 1956, several hundreds of people demonstrated along his route, demanding the oil refinery be in Assam.
Assam Refinery Action Committee was formed under the leadership of Hareswar Goswami and Hem Barua, and the Assam assembly passed a unanimous resolution in support. Finally, the government established two refineries – one at Barauni and the other at Noonmati, Assam.
But the oil economy continued to have an overriding effect on the articulation of economic demands by various social movements in Assam, rooted in the struggle for indigenous rights. The slogans of the Assam movement (1979-85) were the tip of the nativist sentiment against a ‘drain of wealth’ from Assam, reflected in slogans like, “Tez dim tel nidiu (we shall give blood but not oil)”.
In August 1990, agitators of the Assam Movement prevented crude oil from leaving Assam and then demanded that natural resources must be processed within the state. Several insurgent groups, like the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), also accused the Centre of exploiting resources of ‘Bor Asom’ (Greater Assam, comprising some parts of the Northeast) and creating a ‘backwardness’ in the region. To justify its revolt, the front also demanded that oil and coal be primarily seen as helping improve the economic situation of the region’s people.
However, scholars like Arupjyoti Saikia see this as a form of internal colonialism that functions in the periphery. The politics of resource extraction at peripheries and regional aspiration for right over resources are located in an inherent contradiction of unitary federalism. However, the economic exploitation of the region despite increasing political dissent remains unchanged.
Oil is well!
The ongoing Baghjan inferno that has wreaked havoc in parts of eastern Assam since May 27 has prompted questions of how the politics of exploration of oil neglected the rights, resources and biodiverse rural ecology. The modern economy runs on oil. But while oil has improved travel times and communication of information, it has also created grounds for further oppression in many towns and rural areas. These areas often try hard to compete with their urban counterparts for development, including for jobs, expansion of the local economy, increased trade and better quality of life. But oil has also driven the same population towards disease, environmental devastation, poor healthcare, lack of governance and administrative opacity.
Also read: Javadekar Scuttles Bid to Extend Public Consultation on Controversial Environment Rules
Modern Indian political thought has often failed to address such huge lapses in economic policy, resulting in the further plunder of natural resources and destruction of local livelihoods. Oil is also a leading cause of militarisation in areas where establishing dominance to extract oil and other resources remains contested thanks to indigenous claims to land and resources.
The question of exploitation and economic disparity in the oil debates is located in a larger debate about how Assam has been denied an equitable distribution of profits and oil royalties from oil production. This has perpetuated a regional disparity in the course of capitalist development in India, which saw frontiers as the site of resource extraction only and ignored the demands of higher control over resources by the people, which saw resource extraction through the eyes of cost effectiveness instead of sustainability.
Such “profit before people” developmental policies on the state’s part allowed it to privatise natural resources once it adopted liberalisation policies and integrated itself into the global financial system. Between 1997 and 2012, under the New Exploration and Licensing Policy, the government has privatised 257 oil fields. The process took a break in 2012 for two years; from 2014, marginal oil field auctions allowed the open privatisation of oil fields. The open acreage licensing policy adopted in 2017 has one clause that says the companies that file tenders for auctions don’t require any past experience.
This way, the Baghjan oil field was auctioned to Gujarat-based John Energy, a company said to be a greenhorn vis-à-vis oil extraction, particularly in Assam’s topography. Privatisation is not only handing over natural resources to profit hungry corporates but also undermining the longstanding struggle of Assam’s people for rights over their resources.
Many regional forces have fought against the privatisation of oil fields, and as such, their struggles represent yet another point where regional aspirations could stand together with the fight against neoliberalism. However, privatisation has also continued, as if unstoppable. Not only have many oil fields been privatised but the state has also normalised the outsourcing of drilling and other tasks. Even after the blowout at Baghjan, India did not put together its own expert group but sought the expertise of a Singaporean firm to quench the fire.
The catch-up to ‘development’
The roots of a modernity brought about by the ‘oil regime’ needs to be interrogated continuously. The model of development by colonial powers finished shifting cultivation forever. The post-1947 model of development demonised jhum cultivation – widely practiced in the northeast – and destroyed local food sovereignty, and never understood the importance of the rural commons.
India’s northeast is one of the greenest parts of the country but forest cover has been depleting consistently in the last 18 years. In the last decade, deforestation has doubled, according to data mapped by Global Forest Watch. Net forest loss in the northeast from 2014 to 2018 was an alarming 6,229.25 sq. km, which is nearly the total area of Sikkim, and has only been increasing in the last three years.
The very notion of development, therefore, needs to be questioned and the state needs to invest in exiting the colonial ideas of fossil fuel energy, and find alternatives to oil as a fuel.
Anshuman is a PhD research scholar at Centre for Informal Sector and Labour Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University. Mrinal Borah is an MPhil research student at Special Centre for Study of North East India. The authors can be reached at angshumansarma13@mail.com and mrinal.borah123@gmail.com.
I am stuck at wht you wrote on the boarding pass :-D On a serious note, thanks for this blog, sad the trend od exploitation continues.
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